One evening last week, the Palace-run Nepal Television stumped everyone by unspooling a primetime documentary on democracy in the kingdom. Gyanendra had just grabbed all powers, abrogated all rights, civil and fundamental, and put the army in charge of everything other than confectioneries. And here was a feature, complete with rare archival footage, on how Nepal?s political leaders had fought the monarchy to deliver power to the people. Stirring speeches by BP Koirala, surcharged rallies addressed by Ganesh Man Singh, KP Bhattarai capping a long, often underground, struggle by forcing the Palace to swear him in as interim prime minister. Surely, this was a mistake. Surely, heads were about to roll in Nepal Television. Surely, this programme would be interrupted any moment? But lo, it rolled on for all to behold.
Democracy got louder and louder on the set. The images became more hectic, faster paced. One prime minister, then another, then yet another. One government following in the wake of another, interpolated with flashes of people marching in Kathmandu, country people struggling with debilitating poverty, people falling to the red gun. Stricken, helpless faces whose leaders were taking turns taking oath and making promises. The sequence got more psychedelic as it progressed and eventually became the picture of chaos.
The plot lay revealed. This documentary was no default. It was design, handcrafted by King Gyanendra. This was his way of saying he and his royal ancestors had given democracy repeated chances but look what it had got the people. If he had ordered political activity to the morgue, it was only because he had his people?s interest at heart, it was only because he wanted to save the democracy that political parties could not. It was a typical act of chutzpah delivered with a cunning sense of timing.
Gaining Strength:
the King has worked to a plan after the royal massacre
Gyanendra isn?t a popular king; he?s probably the most disliked and disregarded of the Shah line of rulers, not least because he is widely seen by Nepalis as linked to cold-blooded plotting of the Narainhity massacre of 2001. But the political parties haven?t offered a meaningful contrast, leave alone an aspirational alternative. They?ve given Nepal unstable, inefficient, corrupt and consistently ineffectual governments in the years since democracy returned in 1990-91. There is a deep and pervasive sense of cynicism that Gyanendra was exploiting. He, among all the kingdom?s players, had the right feel of the pulse. Nobody would shed half a tear if he disbanded democracy and took charge. ?What have these leaders given us?? says Bijen Jonkshe, a former Nepali Congress activist-turned-sceptic, ?What wrong has the King done? The country was slipping into chaos and these leaders were only quarrelling among themselves and enriching themselves. Somebody had to take control.? Jonkshe isn?t convinced Gyanendra is the right medicine, but where all else have failed, he?s willing to try. Another former Nepali Congress worker, 75-year-old Lokdhaka Gorkha, has decided to turn on his leaders in what he calls a sad moment. ?They got their chances, they made a mess of them. Now they expect the people to support them. Why? Log bahut maar khaya hai sab taraf se, jaldi nahin uthega ab.? (The people have taken a lot of beating from all sides, they are not going to rise in a hurry.) That?s what Gyanendra knew even better.
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